Silvia Cordella -14 May 2010
We are at a turning point. The research on the identity of Mr. Franco, the man of intelligence has always been close to Don Vito Ciancimino, is near.
There is an old phone that could provide interesting data to that effect. The announcement was made last night to Year Zero Massimo Ciancimino.
There is' a memory - ha detto – ricca di numeri di telefono attraverso la quale si può risalire alle utenze in uso a questa gente, non solo del signor Franco ma anche di altri soggetti istituzionali a lui legati”. Il vecchio telefono cellulare è stato trovato grazie all’aiuto dei suoi famigliari, la rubrica contiene i numeri che erano stati riversati in automatico dalla sim sequestrata nella perquisizione dei carabinieri eseguita nel suo appartamento nel 2005 e mai più ritrovata. E ora il misterioso signor Franco sarebbe pure apparso di recente in una foto pubblicata da una rivista “free” in compagnia di un politico attuale. Un personaggio che se identificato potrebbe aprire piste investigative inedite nel quadro dei rapporti tra mafia e servizi segreti on which the judges are trying to get full answers for some time. What is behind the bond of Mr. Franco with the former mayor of Palermo? What was his role in massacres of mafia of '92? Why Don Vito urged not to find resolutions to the Moro kidnapping? To answer such orders? These are just some of the questions that remain hanging from bits of truth yet unexplored in the episode yesterday and found ample room for discussion with the deputy of the PDL and an unusual Fabio Granata Walter Veltroni, who has suddenly rediscovered an expert on the Mafia. Effectively renovated, the former leader of the Democratic Party, has shown himself convinced of the continued presence of services in all the massacres subversive Italian. A framework, however, that judges have always suspected most vulnerable often isolated from a policy, term after term, showed, at best, strong signs of discontinuity in the fight against corruption and mafia.
"I'm not a conspiracy is," Veltroni said, 'entity' exists. ... "," P2, as the Mafia, as the Band of the Magliana are in all the vicissitudes of terrorism .... and now the mafia is weak, there are strong interests ... is a giant multinational economic power that has spread around the world and in times of crisis, having a 'huge liquidity, was able to make transactions immense financial, purchasing organizations ... of course, the tax shelter was a hand to them all. " The metamorphosis of Veltroni is symptomatic of a political change? Maybe, but it would take a serious mea culpa primarily institutional. Just the actual will of the government's perverse disarticulating the plots that bind criminal powers to those para-military discourse has entered the daughter of Walter Tobagi, the journalist killed dall'eversione far-left in 1980. There is a thread that ties all the terrorist massacres of red and black is called P2. A secret society that has put in all the centers of institutional power to influence men, his public life of our state. Di questo se n’è parlato più volte in Commissione Antimafia, ha affermato la Tobagi, ma purtroppo “quando vuoi andare oltre ed accedere agli archivi per conoscere i nomi e i cognomi non si trova nulla”. È impossibile entrarvi perché “non c’è un indice”, la catalogazione è mal fatta e quindi irreperibile.
Dunque, tra inefficienze e segreto di stato, il muro di gomma che protegge questi personaggi è ancora oggi impenetrabile. E tutta la nostra storia è costellata da depistaggi continui nelle inchieste a sfondo politico in cui sono stati uccisi magistrati, politici, giornalisti, militari e mafiosi. Dal delitto Moro alla strage di Ustica, dalla strage di piazza Fontana a quella di Bologna, via the Fast 904, the crime La Torre, Dalla Chiesa, Costa, the failed attempt all'Addaura up to the massacres of judges Falcone and Borsellino '92 and '93 those of the continent. Crimes carried out according to a logic of social destabilization triggered by occult powers, of which the 'deviant services' part to ensure the success of projects of political and economic change the country. And the complicity within the investigative environment was crucial. This is demonstrated by the false trails built, for example, to deflect the real motives of the agents dell'assasinio Square and Augustine, passed for a crime of passion. In contrast, only now, after twenty years, emerging hypothesis for which they were killed because they were part of the "current" of services that would save the life of Falcone. Them would be to defuse the explosive material found on the cliff dell'Addaura June 21, 1989 positioned to kill the judge from other secret service agents in accordance with the local mafia.
The intertwining of institutions, more or less diverted, and then settled back to the Mafia in many recent episodes of our time also. The same
Massimo Ciancimino has testified at the trial for the failure to capture Provenzano, whose absconding records would be guaranteed as a result of negotiations between the Ros of General Mario Mori, his father and the mysterious Mr. Franco, the secret service man who had always looked back.
"One day - he told Ciancimino last night - during an argument between my father and my mother got from the anger I wrote an anonymous letter of complaint sent to police headquarters in Palermo. The next day my father had to have one of the famous meetings with Mr. Franco. The day after the anonymous letter on the desk was my father. "
And this is one of the reasons that led the son of former mayor of Palermo to report his story only today, hoping, reiterated yesterday, can be assessed as a person separate and different from the father and the motto: "better a day to 100 from Ciancimino Borsellino " possa essere aggiunta solo una parola “meglio un giorno da Borsellino che 100 da Vito Ciancimino”.
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